By a correspondent
Tongues are still waging in Ako Council in Donga Mantung Division of the North West Region over the surprising incident that took place on May 28, 2014 when councilors of that municipality met to deliberate and adopt the 2013 administrative, management and stores accounts. Councilors who had prepared to raise hell on some figures presented in the accounts were hooked when the municipal treasurer failed to show up.
It should be noted that the 2013 administrative and management accounts of the Ako council took place under the watchful eyes of the Senior Division Officer for Donga Mantung Division, Ngone Ndode Mesape Bernard. The administrative and management accounts of FCFA 702,708,335 in income and expenditure were presented to the councilors but absence of the municipal treasurer, Stella Maih to give a convincing explanation on some budget heads became a bone of contention in the hall.
However, we gathered that the municipal treasurer had received an impromptu audit team from Bamenda and she could not be allowed to attend the session. Many are still wondering aloud whether it was not a cooked-up audit to cover up some alleged wrong doing. A school of thought holds that the presence of the municipal treasurer would have clarified many burning issue given that she is hardly available.
Publisher/Editor: OJONG Steven AYUKOGEM. Tel: (+237) 77 07 27 79. E-mail: themedianpaper@yahoo.com
Tuesday, 3 June 2014
Nfor Ngala Nfor is impostor at SCNC
 |
| Theodore Leke |
Theodore Leke is a founding member of the SCNC and 2nd vice national chairman of the separatist movement. In this interview with The Median, he sheds light on the leadership crisis in the movement; why the organization cannot form a political party as advised by government, the situation of incarcerated SCNC militants and much more. He was interviewed by Sarah Nkongho Ojong, The Medians correspondent in Fako
Good day Sir, lets begin by you formally introducing yourself.
I am Mr. Leke Theodore, 2nd Vice National Chairman of SCNC. I am 67 years old and have been in the SCNC from its inception in 1993 back then when the organization was still under the appellation of AAC 1 and AAC2 and later on transformed to the Southern Cameroon National Council (SCNC) to address issues of annexation affecting this part of the country.
The general public sees the SCNC as a ship with many captains, who is the legitimate chairman of the SCNC?
The unity of Cameroon is a reality and not a myth
By Prof Elvis Ngolle Ngolle
In his 1999 thought-provoking and memorable book, Cameroon Political Story which is a highly useful contribution to the corpus of knowledge on Cameroon’s politics and history, the now late N.N. Mbille makes the following pertinent and conscientious points “After the 1961 plebiscite and upon return from the United Nations in New York in 1961, the Southern Cameroons delegations (both the Foncha-led and the Endeley-led), representing both the winners and the losers in the plebiscite, returned together in May 1961 resolved to make reunification work” Mbille concludes prophetically, “Indeed, the state of Cameroon has firmly come to stay, standing as firm as Mount Cameroon, ready to take its place and face the coming age” (Mbille, 1999, p. 354).
These prophetic and conscientious words, coming from the reservoir of both experience and the intellect of a political encyclopedia of the stature of the now late politician – N.N. Mbille, speaks volumes and informs every Cameroonian be they of Anglophone or francophone expression that the reunification of the former two Cameroons (Southern Cameroons-Cum West Cameroon and the Republic of Cameroon-Cum East Cameroon) in 1961, provided the bedrock and the constitutional foundations for the unification of the Cameroon nation that followed eleven years later in 1972 with the national referendum that was styled the peaceful revolution. Indeed, 1972 was one of the defining moments that gave meaning and substance to reunification and provided the momentum for the further strengthening and reinforcement of the unification process. These twin defining moments, 1961 for reunification and 1972 for unification, coupled with the 1966 fusioning of the various political parties into a unified national party- the Cameroon National Union (CNU), serve as the most palpable measurable and observable indices of the reunification and of the Cameroon that their dreams and sacrifices were not an empty dream or an arrangement of political convenience. These early indices of the collective will for unity also serve as the pillars of a new political, social and economic reality that has been the agenda, the conscience and the collective will of both Cameroonians of Anglophone expression (former Southern – Cum West Cameroon) and those of francophone expression (former French, Cum Republic – and latter East Cameroon) to forge a new and United nation and state (nation-state). Reunification and unification eleven years later, did not only constitute the building of a United nation, they also represented the construction of a new United state in the classical political science sense of one people, one territory, one government, one national anthem, one flag, one national constitution, one currency; one army, one justice and one future under one God.
 |
| Elvis Ngolle Ngolle |
These prophetic and conscientious words, coming from the reservoir of both experience and the intellect of a political encyclopedia of the stature of the now late politician – N.N. Mbille, speaks volumes and informs every Cameroonian be they of Anglophone or francophone expression that the reunification of the former two Cameroons (Southern Cameroons-Cum West Cameroon and the Republic of Cameroon-Cum East Cameroon) in 1961, provided the bedrock and the constitutional foundations for the unification of the Cameroon nation that followed eleven years later in 1972 with the national referendum that was styled the peaceful revolution. Indeed, 1972 was one of the defining moments that gave meaning and substance to reunification and provided the momentum for the further strengthening and reinforcement of the unification process. These twin defining moments, 1961 for reunification and 1972 for unification, coupled with the 1966 fusioning of the various political parties into a unified national party- the Cameroon National Union (CNU), serve as the most palpable measurable and observable indices of the reunification and of the Cameroon that their dreams and sacrifices were not an empty dream or an arrangement of political convenience. These early indices of the collective will for unity also serve as the pillars of a new political, social and economic reality that has been the agenda, the conscience and the collective will of both Cameroonians of Anglophone expression (former Southern – Cum West Cameroon) and those of francophone expression (former French, Cum Republic – and latter East Cameroon) to forge a new and United nation and state (nation-state). Reunification and unification eleven years later, did not only constitute the building of a United nation, they also represented the construction of a new United state in the classical political science sense of one people, one territory, one government, one national anthem, one flag, one national constitution, one currency; one army, one justice and one future under one God.
Monday, 26 May 2014
Cameroon Armed Forces
Vistas of a House Divided
The divisions within the army might have mitigated the possibility of a military take-over, but the explosive potentialities of an army divided on ethnic and tribal lines cannot be underestimated.
By Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai, editor-at-large
Some stories are best told straight, so the hiatus of the propaganda and defensive infantile homilies hop scotched by President Paul Biya and his apostates during celebrations marking 50 years of the armed forces were anything but convincing. Whether out of choice or infirmity, “Cameroon Army and the Nation: 50 Years of Exemplary Service” seems to have been a noble theme for the event, but what the army has demonstrated these past 50 years is anything but exemplary.
The highly choreographed event in 2010 in Bamenda was poorly constructed, logically flawed and indeed misleading. As Commander-in-chief, Biya failed to address the key issues bedeviling the armed forces beyond announcing cosmetic reforms that were just token measures of appeasement to an army that he has divided and factionalized on ethnic and tribal lines and lacking in sense of national purpose. Looking like a champion boxer determined to defend his title; Biya boasted sarcastically that, in the defence of republican institutions, the army has always done its “duty” and only “its duty” to the nation. It was a telling reminder, if at all any was needed, of the impervious role the army has played in circumventing democracy in Cameroon; having been reduced to an uncircumcised appendage of Biya’s ruling CPDM party.
The divisions within the army might have mitigated the possibility of a military take-over, but the explosive potentialities of an army divided on ethnic and tribal lines cannot be underestimated.
By Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai, editor-at-large
Some stories are best told straight, so the hiatus of the propaganda and defensive infantile homilies hop scotched by President Paul Biya and his apostates during celebrations marking 50 years of the armed forces were anything but convincing. Whether out of choice or infirmity, “Cameroon Army and the Nation: 50 Years of Exemplary Service” seems to have been a noble theme for the event, but what the army has demonstrated these past 50 years is anything but exemplary.
The highly choreographed event in 2010 in Bamenda was poorly constructed, logically flawed and indeed misleading. As Commander-in-chief, Biya failed to address the key issues bedeviling the armed forces beyond announcing cosmetic reforms that were just token measures of appeasement to an army that he has divided and factionalized on ethnic and tribal lines and lacking in sense of national purpose. Looking like a champion boxer determined to defend his title; Biya boasted sarcastically that, in the defence of republican institutions, the army has always done its “duty” and only “its duty” to the nation. It was a telling reminder, if at all any was needed, of the impervious role the army has played in circumventing democracy in Cameroon; having been reduced to an uncircumcised appendage of Biya’s ruling CPDM party.
The army lacks the means to defend the country
- Hameni Bieleu, defence expert and political leader
According to this specialist in defence matters who is also National President of the Union of Democratic Forces, FUDC, Party, the Cameroon army has lost its strength and coherence of yore and today she is ill-equipped even to resist aggressions by external forces. He spoke to JeuneAfrique Magazine. We translated the interview for your reading pleasure. It makes for compelling reading.
Does the Cameroon army perform its role adequately?
The role of any army is to defend the country and ensure that security reigns. However, today, the Cameroonian army is ill-equipped to resist aggression by external forces, not to talk of protecting the citizens. Take a look at the military parade during the National Day Celebrations: The weaponry of the BIR and the GP far out-class that of the regular army. One is therefore left with the impression that the first preoccupation of the authorities is to pre-empt any attempt of Coup d’Etat.
According to this specialist in defence matters who is also National President of the Union of Democratic Forces, FUDC, Party, the Cameroon army has lost its strength and coherence of yore and today she is ill-equipped even to resist aggressions by external forces. He spoke to JeuneAfrique Magazine. We translated the interview for your reading pleasure. It makes for compelling reading.
 |
| Hameni Bieleu, former lecturer at EMIA |
The role of any army is to defend the country and ensure that security reigns. However, today, the Cameroonian army is ill-equipped to resist aggression by external forces, not to talk of protecting the citizens. Take a look at the military parade during the National Day Celebrations: The weaponry of the BIR and the GP far out-class that of the regular army. One is therefore left with the impression that the first preoccupation of the authorities is to pre-empt any attempt of Coup d’Etat.
War on Boko Haram
Suspicion persists between Abuja and Yaounde
-Biya turns to Chad for needed support
By Ayukogem Steven Ojong in Yaounde
Cameroon and Nigeria have agreed to disagree on the phenomenon and spread of Boko Haram. This was one of the fallouts from the recent summit on Boko Haram that held in Paris, France, at the behest of French President, Francois Hollande.
Prior to the summit the Nigerian media had relayed information claiming that Cameroon was harboring book Haram bases in its territory. Some of the reports even claimed that the over 250 girls who were abducted from a school in the town of Chibok in Northern Nigeria, were being held captive in a Boko Haram base in Cameroon. Yet others said Cameroon was “sponsoring” Boko Haram by paying huge sums as ransom to the terrorists.
Cameroonian authorities missed no effort and took no time to categorically debunk all these allegations by Nigerian media. Official sources in Cameroon maintained that Boko Haram was a Nigerian phenomenon, even though its militants orchestrated sporadic attacks on Cameroonian targets, for yet unknown reasons. Communication Minister, Issa Bakary Tchiroma, who doubles as spokesperson for the government missed no opportunity to share this opinion with the wider public. Even Cameroonian military sources both official and unofficial, hold that Boko Haram insurgents only come into Cameroon from Nigeria to hit specific targets and carry out varied operations in Cameroon.
-Biya turns to Chad for needed support
By Ayukogem Steven Ojong in Yaounde
 | ||||||||
| President Holland, Goodluck and Biya |
Prior to the summit the Nigerian media had relayed information claiming that Cameroon was harboring book Haram bases in its territory. Some of the reports even claimed that the over 250 girls who were abducted from a school in the town of Chibok in Northern Nigeria, were being held captive in a Boko Haram base in Cameroon. Yet others said Cameroon was “sponsoring” Boko Haram by paying huge sums as ransom to the terrorists.
Cameroonian authorities missed no effort and took no time to categorically debunk all these allegations by Nigerian media. Official sources in Cameroon maintained that Boko Haram was a Nigerian phenomenon, even though its militants orchestrated sporadic attacks on Cameroonian targets, for yet unknown reasons. Communication Minister, Issa Bakary Tchiroma, who doubles as spokesperson for the government missed no opportunity to share this opinion with the wider public. Even Cameroonian military sources both official and unofficial, hold that Boko Haram insurgents only come into Cameroon from Nigeria to hit specific targets and carry out varied operations in Cameroon.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)