- French
Cameroun Lies & Bad Faith (2)
Anglophones
never opted to become the footstool of French Cameroun exploitation and
plunder.
By Ekinneh
Agbaw-Ebai*
*Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai |
Despite
claims to the contrary, French Cameroun never wanted any union with Southern
Cameroons. In the countdown to the 1961 plebiscite, the standing view in
Britain was that Southern Cameroons was not economically viable and would be a
drainpipe on British taxpayers. If Her Majesty’s government had consulted the
geological survey maps left by the Germans after their defeat in WWI, they
would have granted Southern Cameroons independence without even a referendum
because the Germans had documented huge potential oil reserves in the Rio del
Rey basin.
Thanks to British indolence, the
option of independence; agreed by the 43 delegates at the August 1959 all party
plebiscite conference in Mamfe, chaired by Sir Sidney Phillipson, Acting
Southern Cameroons Commissioner, was rejected by Andrew Cohen, Britain’s
representative to the UN Trusteeship Council; and not presented as an
option.
Even after the 1961 UN
Plebiscite, in which Southern Cameroons voted for independence by joining
French Cameroun, French Cameroun acted in bad faith by challenging the plebiscite
results and proceeded to vote against UNGA Resolution 1608 (XV) of April 21,
1961 to prevent unification with Southern Cameroons. There were 64 votes for;
23 against and 10 abstentions. Amongst the countries that joined French
Cameroun to vote against unification with Southern Cameroons were France, Ivory
Coast, Congo-Brazzaville, Zaire, Senegal, Dahome (Benin), Niger, Upper Volta
(Burkina Faso), Chad, Central Africa Republic and Gabon (the last three being
former German Kamerun territories). President Ahidjo even went ahead to declare
Feb 11 a day of national mourning for British Northern Cameroon, which had
voted to join Nigeria. This begs the question: if Cameroon was one, united and
indivisible as Francophones are now claiming, why did French Cameroun vote
against unification at the UN?
This act of bad faith speaks
directly to the hypocrisy and contradiction of French Cameroun’s assertion that
Cameroon is one, united and indivisible and has remained a sore point in
Cameroon’s history. By rejecting political association with Southern Cameroons,
French Cameroun maintained its territory with the instruments attesting to its
independence and international boundaries duly recorded when it was admitted to
membership of the UN on January 1, 1960.
French Cameroun started
asserting territorial claims over Southern Cameroons only after Yves Bie’ville;
the French jurist who drafted the French Cameroun constitution learned about
the existence of huge oil deposits in Southern Cameroons from a German intelligence
source and informed officials at the Quai d'Orsay, who ordered Ahidjo to drop
his opposition to unification.
The French then dispatched a
team of advisers to help Ahidjo navigate the Foumban conference of July 17-21,
1961. The Foumban conference was to be followed by a four party conference to
work out modalities of the federation ahead of the planned October 1st
unification date. But the conference never held. Rather, on August 6, 1961,
Ahidjo announced an amendment of the French Cameroun constitution to
“accommodate Southern Cameroons as the western part of German Kamerun.”
On October 1, 1961 shortly after
the Union Jack was lowered, Ahidjo sent French Cameroun troops into Southern
Cameroons; where they have remained till this day. The hidden agenda of the
deconstruction of Southern Cameroons had begun in earnest. In 1962, the pound
sterling was abolished and the East Cameroun CFA franc imposed on the whole
country. In 1964, the measurement system of feet, pounds and miles was
abandoned in favor of the metric system of kilometers and kilograms.
In 1966, an unsuccessful attempt
was made to harmonize the legal systems of the federated states, but this
precipitated a crisis and was shelved. In the same year, all the political
parties were dissolved to form the Cameroon National Union (CNU). Three years
later, all trade unions in the country merged into a federation attached to the
CNU, forswearing its allegiance to the international labor movement.
French Cameroun’s sickening
interest in Southern Cameroons is driven only by the desire to continue
exploiting Southern Cameroon’s natural resources to finance their corrupt
system of abusive patronage and ethnic-inspired clientelism, while Southern
Cameroonians wallow in abject poverty and misery in the midst of plenty. Proof:
in the 2017 Public Investment Budget, the South region (the President’s region
of origin) with a population of 800,000 was allocated FCFA 126.2 billion; while
the two English speaking regions (which account for over 60% of national GDP)
with an estimated population of eight million people was allocated FCFA 85.7
billion. This is insulting and unacceptable!
Before Francophones continue
peddling the hoax of a one, united and indivisible Cameroon, they need to
answer these questions. When they reaffirm their commitment to a united
Cameroon, are they referring to the territory or the people? When government
spokespersons cite former German Kamerun to justify why Cameroon must remain
one, united and indivisible; why then did French Cameroun oppose unification
and voted against UN Resolution 1608 in April 1961? Can anyone not blinded by
prejudice and self-interest justify this act of bad faith? From 1961-1972 when
the country was a federal republic, was Cameroon one, united and indivisible?
Even as Francophones continue to remonstrate about one, united and indivisible
Cameroon, they must apologize for the 1961 vote against unification and stop
pussyfooting and paying lip service over addressing the needs of the exploited
Anglophone region which produces the bulk of the nation’s wealth. Anglophones
are no longer fooled.
While French Cameroun argues
that Southern Cameroons is an integral part of its territory because they have
been administered jointly for 56 years, it is worth noting that Ukraine and
Russia parted ways despite sharing over 1,000 years of common history. Southern
Cameroons broke away from Nigeria in 1953 despite sharing 44 years of common
history as well. Even if French Cameroun claims Southern Cameroons is only two
of its ten regions, it cannot forget that Eritrea used to be the only former
Red Sea Province of Ethiopia. That did not stop Eritrea from gaining
independence. The decentralization offer for regional autonomy sold as tangible
reform under the 1996 Constitution is unacceptable notably because it makes the
assumption that Southern Cameroons is part of French Cameroun, and not an
illegally occupied and recolonized territory.
Besides, the past 56 years are
littered with evidence that French Cameroun violated the terms of unification.
It has broken every promise beginning with the promise to the UN to create a
federation of two equal states. In addition, autocratic regimes do not honor
such pledges. It was the case when in 1961, the emperor of Ethiopia revoked the
autonomous status granted Eritrea by Britain in 1952, annexing it as Ethiopia’s
14th province; leading to the 30-year war of independence. In 1989, Serbian
leader, Slobodan Milosevic, revoked the autonomous status of Kosovo leading to
a decade of repression, culminating in the NATO war against Yugoslavia in 1999.
With Anglophones expressing
disgust about the union, many are seeking a redefinition of the association in
such a way that the imbalance and injustice in the system could be addressed
for the emergence of a stronger and virile union. Within the circumstance, no
amount of threat or intimidation will make Cameroon united; because a house
built on a weak foundation cannot stand. The government should stop reveling in
self-delusion, thinking that we are still in the 1970s because this generation
of Anglophones is well-educated and know that the issue at stake here is their
natural resources. The government can say what it wants, but nobody is fooled
any more. Insisting on using yesterday’s tactics to solve today’s problems only
aggravates the self-inflicted tragedy of a nation not prepared to engage in
hard thinking; unwilling to introspect dispassionately and speak hard truths to
itself; to muster courage to re-direct itself and do what is germane to peaceful
co-existence.
The only thing that will bring
unity in Cameroon is for the government to eschew this conquest mentality and
dialogue with Anglophones in a sovereign national conference where both sides
will renegotiate the unity and the future of Cameroon. This will enable French
Cameroun to reconcile with the bitter truth about unification which is the
subject of the next article in this series.
*Ekinneh
Agbaw-Ebai is a Public Intellectual and graduate of Harvard University John F.
Kennedy School of Government, where he was Managing Editor of the Harvard
Journal of African-American Public Policy. A former Research Analyst for
Freedom House, he is a Consultant and lives in Boston, USA. Talk back at ekinneh@yahoo.com
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