What perspectives for 2018?
In principle, five elections are expected to hold in
Cameroon in 2018. Political enthusiasts look at this special election year with
mixed feelings. In the following analysis, our political correspondent argues
that success in 2018 depends on what preparations will be done in the country
in this direction before 2017 runs out.
By our political
analyst
Since the return of political pluralism in Cameroon close to
30 years ago, public speech in the country has been replete with words and
expressions such as ‘democracy’, ‘governance’, citizen’, electoral lists’,
‘consensual electoral code’, and especially ‘alternation’. The reason for this
is that Cameroonians being more and more citizen-oriented and tired of a
deceptive democracy compared to what is observed in countries that are
authentically democratic, seem to be waiting impatiently for the 2018 elections
in order to be done with inertia, as they say. This, in the hope that the vote
will not be hijacked this time around by a hegemonic party and occult groups.
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For
this dream to come true, the 10 to 15 million potential voters have to register
on the electoral lists and effectively go and vote, each with the intimate
conviction that the vote cast in the ballot box will translate into the
expected result. Such result would prevent the maintenance in power of leaders
who despise them, sanction them through a blank vote and/or massive abstention
or replace the current occupants of the seats of power with those from whom
they can expect better governance.
The attainment of this result no doubt requires the prior
responsibility of both the government and the opposition. That is why, knowing
only too well that as you make your bed so shall you lie on it, it seems timely
for us to draw the attention of men and women in politics to the fact that
preparations for the 2018 elections must begin today.
Will all five elections hold?
As a
matter of principle, five elections are expected to take place in 2018: a
presidential election in which Mr. Biya still seems to be candidate for the
CPDM, senatorial, parliamentary and municipal elections, to which are added
regional elections, i.e. if the Senate has to be in conformity with the
constitution of the republic – that is to say, elected by municipal and
regional councillors.
Will
things happen in this way? Nothing can be too sure. When we look at the
sociopolitical, economic and security context of the country, we do not need to
be religiously pessimistic to doubt the capacity of the government to meet the
challenge of such a calendar at the organizational and financial levels as well
as in the democratically established norms. The question is therefore not only
if 2018 will be a year of alternation but also if all or some of the elections
will effectively take place.
Sources at MINATD say that whereas the Constitution obliges
the Head of State to respect the programme of holding the presidential and
senatorial elections, the electoral law gives him the latitude to either
anticipate or postpone the parliamentary and municipal elections. Rumours thus
have it that only two elections will take place next year, that is, the
presidential and senatorial elections, which Mr. Biya cannot anticipate or
postpone without changing the Constitution anew. The postponement of the other
elections would easily be justified by the particularly difficult security and
economic contexts.
How
then could the President of the Republic go ahead such that the Senate is not
elected again only by municipal councillors and himself without part of its
electorate (regional councillors who are still non-existent)? It is indeed hard
in the near future to envisage the election of regional councillors whose
non-existence is tantamount to the strangulation of the decentralization
process in Cameroon.
There is no doubt that the absence of an official
justification for the non-election of the above-mentioned councillors for 21 years
now looks like a systemic rebellion of the government against the Constitution,
the electoral code, the law on decentralization and all politico-legal
instruments which could make our country resemble a state of law. Simply put,
the deliberate refusal by the powers that be to organize the election of
municipal councillors reveals the country’s governance as lacking credibility.
2018: A year of hopes and risks
Coming
back to 2018, it should be stated that if Cameroonians talk so much about it,
it is because the year promises more to be one of all hopes than one of all
risks. Yes, there are hopes and risks. Hopes because from within the country
there is a popular clamour for alternation of power, and risks because there is
a stubborn resistance to change by the CPDM-led administration, which could
lead to post-elections violence whose beginning is known but whose end can
never be determined.
It is
therefore proper for us to call on all political actors in Cameroon to do just
what is expected of each of them when the time is right. Through a
participative and peaceful democratic process, they are expected to make our
country one in which common goodwill prevails; one in which everybody’s rights
are respected; one in which governance gives every individual the pride of
their identity as citizen and the motivation of their patriotism.
In
consonance with the concept of democracy being “government of the people by the
people and for the people”, leaders have to accept that in their political
parties supporters are not behind them but rather around or beside them, i.e.
with them, so that together they can conceive ideas and propagate them. Leaders
must bear in mind that the people are not the subject of a government that came
from nowhere, but rather its producer (or creator). That is why the government
is at the service of the people and not otherwise.
And if
we subscribe to the principle that political parties compete for the expression
of universal suffrage, then we have an obligation to:
• constantly
explain to citizens the stakes of their vote and their impact on the quality of
governance;
• present
to them well ahead of elections (and not only during the 15 days of elections
campaign) a political offer (society project and governance vision) which
enable them to see the difference between the candidates;
• sensitize
and accompany them, as the case may be, on their registration on electoral
lists and on the defence of their vote.
By leaving the people to slumber behind them, those who want
to conquer power in Yaounde are more or less “apprentissorciers”, to borrow the
term from Mr. Biya who himself borrowed it from his predecessor, AhmadouAhidjo.
It
would be most unfortunate if Mr. Biya, in 2018, continually pays a deaf ear to
the cry of the voiceless through the collective voice of the opposition and the
civil society for transparent elections to take place. We can be sure that such
an action or inaction would negatively impact the electoral process.
The way forward
Apparently,
all these partners are crying foul, justifiably, in relation to their
accumulated frustrations following irregularities, fraud and different kinds of
abuse which have marred elections in Cameroon since 1992. To them, doing
nothing in 2018 to change this state of affairs would be a threat to social
peace. We share this fear and draw the attention of the powers that be to some
primordial things that can be done for the 2018 elections in Cameroon to be
just and peaceful.
These
are, amongst others, the reduction of the voting age to 18 years; the
institution of a single ballot which prevents the corruption of voters through
the re-buying of competitors’ votes; the total management of the elections by a
neutral and independent ELECAM (the Canadian model, for instance); the
institution of a two-round vote which is favourable to responsible citizenship
and good strategic dialogue amongst political parties; making the vote totally
biometric so that voters’ cards could be issued at the right time; making sure
those who register correspond to those who vote; etc.
Three things
that the gov’t must do:
- Empower ELECAM financially: (a) to deploy
teams and adequate equipment in all councils so as to ensure optimal
registration of voters; (b) to bring together its board of directors who,
according to the end of articles 64 and 68 of the electoral code, are
responsible for the counting of the votes.
- Prohibit
the use of the human, material and financial resources of the state by the CPDM
or any other political party in carrying out election campaigns or
sensitization of political parties.
- Carry
out an equitable redistribution of electoral wards in order to correct the
injustice which ensures that in the same country there is one parliamentarian
for 40,000 inhabitants (South) while another represents more than 300,000
inhabitants (Littoral).
All of
which has to be done here and now through a revision of the electoral code such
that there is the re-establishment of the validity of all the reports signed
not only by ELECAM delegates by all the delegates of political parties present
in the polling station. If President Biya wants to make Cameroon a state of
law, then he must seek to make 2018 a success today.
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