Fifteen months back, when a group of Anglophone lawyers went
on strike in Cameroon, few would have predicted how far and how quickly events
would escalate.
Back
then, in October 2016, the lawyers were objecting to the appointment of
French-educated judges to their courts. A few other frustrated groups joined
them later in peaceful protest against other government actions they perceived
to be discriminating against the country’s English-speaking regions.
Fast-forward
to today, however, and that initial modest impetus has spiraled into Cameroon’s
most alarming internal conflict since independence. In recent months, scores of
civilians have been killed. Armed attacks have led to the deaths of at least
sixteen army and police officers. The government has deployed the elite Rapid
Intervention Battalion, which is usually found combatting Boko Haram, to the
area. And thousands of refugees have fled to Nigeria, with the UN Refugee
Agency expecting up to 40,000 more.
Pushed to extremes
From
the start of the crisis, the government’s instinct has been to respond to
protest and grievances with force. The initial demonstrations in late-2016 were
met with mass arrests and the deployment of security forces. In January 2017,
there was brief hope that dialogue would lead to a resolution. But these talks
fell apart as the government banned the umbrella group with which it was
negotiating and detained its leaders.
Since
then, the government has not looked like returning to the negotiation table. It
has arrested around 1,000 people, according to activists. It has empowered the
police, gendarmes and army to use heavy force. And it has shut off the region’s
Internet for months at a time on at least two occasions.
These
actions have had a high human cost. “Cameroonians in the hundreds have lost
their lives needlessly while expressing themselves and their ambitions for
Cameroon,” says Barrister Akere Muna. “Others remain incarcerated under
circumstances that might well have been avoided by the simple choice of
dialogue over confrontation and repression.”
Moreover,
many argue that rather than stifling dissent, the government’s strategy has
made the situation more volatile and extreme.
What
began as more specific grievances regarding the perceived imposition of French
in courts and schools has escalated into demands for greater autonomy,
federalisation and even secession. Meanwhile, the repression of largely
peaceful protests has contributed to the emergence of armed groups calling for
secession. Even moderate voices have been pushed to more extreme positions, and
Cameroon has seen attacks on security forces and growing threats of a violent
insurrection.
On 1
October 2017, members of the Southern Cameroonian Ambazonia Consortium United
Front declared the independence of the Federal Republic of Ambazonia. The
government responded with what the UN criticised as “excessive use of force”.
Its crackdown along the border with Nigeria caused thousands to flee. In
response in November and December, separatists launched a number of attacks against
defence forces that resulted in several casualties.
Combating separatists
In his
address on 31 December, 2017, President Paul Biya sought to reassure the nation
and project strength.
“I have
issued instructions that all those who have taken up arms, who perpetrate or
encourage violence should be fought relentlessly,” he said. “The security
operations conducted to that end have already yielded excellent results. They
will continue unabated, but without excesses.”
However,
many Cameroonians are concerned that the conflict will deepen and spread. As
the government’s crackdown continues, there are suggestions that militant
elements within the secessionist groups are gaining in strength, number and
resolve. On 5 January, several separatists were arrested across the border in
in Abuja, Nigeria.
In
December, Brigadier General Donatien Melingui Nouma, commander of the troops in
the South West region, revealed that some of his troops had defected to the
separatists. He also claimed: “We know that they are trained by foreigners,
including some white mercenaries whose nationality I would not mention.”
Uncertain times for Cameroon
The
ongoing crisis is occurring at a particularly difficult time for Cameroon. In
the north, it is still contending with the menace of the Boko Haram insurgency
and the thousands of refugees it has created. In
the east, it faces a challenge from the presence of displaced persons and
rebels from Central African Republic.
A drop
in commodity prices has contributed to a significant drop in economic growth
figures. Meanwhile, the country is set to hold four elections – municipal,
parliamentary, senatorial and presidential – this year.
Amidst
this uncertainty, many are calling for dialogue to resolve the crisis. However,
there are few indications that constructive steps are being taken to establish
such talks.
Minister
of Communication Issa Tchiroma Bakary has said repeatedly that the government
is ready to negotiate but only on the condition that issues related to the
structure of the state are not discussed. That effectively rules out activists’
primary demands for federalism or significant structural change.
As the
crisis deepens, international leaders such as UN Secretary-General António
Guterres and Commonwealth Secretary-General Patricia Scotland have increased
pressure on President Biya to engage in talks. It remains to be seen if this
will have any effect. If it does not and the government’s current military
approach continues, many expect activists’ demands, grievances and strategies
to get increasingly desperate, militant and extreme.
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