UN Has Responsibility to Protect English Speakers in
Cameroon
By Felix Agbor Nkongho and Rebecca Tinsley
It is an odd thing to live somewhere gripped by deadly
conflict. One may imagine that the pain and challenges of one’s day-to-day life
would also weigh heavily on the outside world. But that is not usually the
case. In many crises, the rest of the world does not know – or does not want to
know.
President Biya says he thought Anglophones couldbe assimilated, but they proved difficult
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The
Cameroonian government, led by Paul Biya, who has served as President since
1982, has signed numerous UN conventions promising to uphold human rights; yet,
it repeatedly violates them without repercussions. Cameroonians are left to
feel that impunity will triumph so long as the UN lacks the power or will to
enforce its high-minded conventions.
To cite
Juan Mendez – an Argentine lawyer, torture survivor and former UN rapporteur
and adviser on the prevention of genocide – one must be a grain of sand in the
eyes of the world’s diplomats and decision-makers. That is how suffering gets
attention: with persistent irritation of international bodies such as the
United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC).
With a
firmly lodged grain of sand, would the UN be able to end Cameroon’s impunity
using international law? Yes, if the 2005 Responsibility to Protect doctrine
(R2P) is invoked.
The
UNHRC meets in Geneva at the end of the month, and it is doubtful that the
worsening security situation in Cameroon will be on its agenda. However, the
council surely has enough information on what is happening in Cameroon to
consider R2P. In 2016, peaceful demonstrations by English speakers were met
with disproportionate force. In 2017, the UNHRC received a report detailing the
UN’s concerns about the lack of freedom of expression or assembly in Cameroon,
the arbitrary detention and torture of journalists and opposition politicians,
the lack of independence among the judiciary and the people running elections,
and discrimination against the English-speaking minority.
In 2018
and 2019, the conflict in Cameroon spiralled out of control. International
human-rights groups have reported that the francophone-dominated government
allows the military to use lethal force against armed separatists and civilians
alike. As a result, some separatist militias have become increasingly extremist
and violent, and social-media platform WhatsApp is now saturated with videos of
torture and death perpetrated by both sides. Moderate anglophone activists and
innocent civilians are caught in the middle, and cruel violence and horrific
acts increased in the period around legislative and municipal elections held on
Feb. 9, with no end in sight – all this, before last week’s Valentine’s Day
massacre.
The UN
High Commissioner for Human Rights visited Cameroon in May, 2019, and urged the
government to hold members of its security forces committing abuses to account.
This diplomatic language was echoed by the Council of the European Union.
However, it is not just a few rogue elements committing human-rights
violations: Cracking down on the English-speaking regions is actually
government policy.
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In
August, 2019, a group that included Lawyers’ Rights Watch Canada, the Raoul
Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights, and the Centre for Human Rights and
Democracy in Africa made a submission to the UNHRC about the unfolding human
rights catastrophe, calling for the council to help end the violence and
investigate grave human-rights violations, including crimes against humanity –
for which the UN could invoke R2P.
Adopted
in the wake of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, R2P has three pillars. First, it
stipulates that countries have a duty to protect their own citizens from the
four mass-atrocity crimes: genocide, crimes against humanity, ethnic cleansing
and war crimes. Second, the international community must encourage and assist
states if they are unable to fulfill their duty to protect their citizens.
Finally, if a state fails to protect its population, the international
community must be prepared to take appropriate collective action in a timely
and decisive manner and in accordance with the UN Charter. This action can
consist of diplomatic measures, such as mediation or sanctions, or sending in
peacekeepers.
The
most recent analysis from the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect
considers Cameroon to be “in imminent risk of reaching a critical threshold”
where mass atrocities may occur “in the immediate future.” It cites the most
up-to-date UN Office for the Co-ordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
report, which says 5,500 English-speaking Cameroonians fled their homes in just
one week, between Dec. 9 and Dec. 15, 2019, because of military operations in
northwest Cameroon; it also advocates for access to investigate human-rights
violations and abuses and calls for a suspension of military aid to the
country.
But
despite the report’s conclusion that the government must hold inclusive talks
with the English-speaking community, mediated by a neutral player – the Swiss
Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue has offered to serve in that role – the
Cameroonian government has refused to take part.
History
shows that if the international community lets a government know that the world
is paying attention, it can make a difference. General Roméo Dallaire, the UN
commander in Rwanda, said that if the UN had sent a brigade of peacekeepers,
its mere presence could have prevented the murder of hundreds of thousands of
Rwandans in 1994. Instead, the UN pulled out its peacekeepers, signalling to
the Hutu extremist government that it could do whatever it wished.
This
month, the UN Human Rights Council has an opportunity to signal its seriousness
to Mr. Biya. Cameroon’s crisis should no longer be a grain of sand, but rather
a shard of glass in the international community’s collective eye. R2P can save
lives and start the path to peace. The reprehensible killings in Ngarbuh demand
action.
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